WEBVTT

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Prof: Okay,
so today is about the notion of

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anomie.

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And anomie seems to be a very
simple notion.

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Anomie means the state of
normlessness,

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and therefore it's very easy to
interpret--it looks like it is

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very easy to interpret anomie.

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I will show that's far from the
case.

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In fact, Durkheim has a pretty
complex notion about

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abnormalities in the transition
to a market economy,

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in the transition to modernity.

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But before I do so,
let me come back to the issue

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of the division of labor in
Durkheim.

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Though he stages the book with
the idea of collective

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conscience,
and goes long lengths

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explaining why he's using law as
an indicator of collective

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conscience--
and we discussed that at great

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lengths--
when it comes to describing the

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crucial differences between
mechanical and organic

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solidarity,
he doesn't make much out of it

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really.

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>

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What drives the analysis of
this distinction,

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right, pre-modern and modern
societies,

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to put it in other words--the
crucial criteria is actually the

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division of labor.

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What drives the story is the
division of labor.

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So in this sense,
in fact, I think Durkheim can

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be understood as being greatly
inspired by Adam Smith,

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right, who also saw evolution
of human societies,

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as you'll recall,
as a gradual evolution of the

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division of labor.

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Durkheim just does not offer
such complex or sophisticated

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periodicization of societies,
like hunting/gathering,

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and animal husbandry,
and agricultural and commercial.

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He just makes this bipolar
distinction between mechanical

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and organic.

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But if you ask,
well yes there is a difference

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in the legal system.

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But what is fundamentally
different is the division of

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labor.

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Right?

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Mechanical solidarity has
little division of labor,

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based on similarity of the
actors in the society.

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Organic solidarity has a great
deal of division of labor,

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and a great deal of
dissimilarity of the action.

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And this is puzzling,
because the question is,

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if it is such a high level of
division of labor,

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and such a great diversity,
where on earth solidarity will

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come from,
how we hang together?

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So that's, I think--we should
appreciate how important the

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division of labor for Smith from
Durkheim was.

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By the way, in some ways,
even the early Marx,

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in The German Ideology,
also tried his periodicization

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of society with the division of
labor.

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So I think this is also the
influence of Adam Smith.

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So I think there is a clear
Adam Smith impact on the work of

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Durkheim, on the types of
solidarity.

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There is also another issue I
would like to mention.

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I pointed out how important,
right, Montesquieu was for

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Durkheim.

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And it's obvious.

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He acknowledges his debt to
Montesquieu,

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starts the book with collective
conscience and the notion of--

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and law as the best empirically
observable indicator of this

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collective conscience comes,
of course, directly to

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Montesquieu.

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But there is another less
frequently noticed impact of

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Montesquieu on Durkheim,
and that makes actually

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Durkheim a very interesting
author for us today.

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As I mentioned,
he primarily has an impact

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today with his later work as the
cultural analyst.

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But in his early work,
he responded to another

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stimulating idea of Montesquieu,
and that is the interaction

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between social system and the
environment,

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and the ecological system.

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I went at some lengths in the
lecture on Montesquieu to show

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how important it was,
and how unique Montesquieu's

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contribution was--
how important it is for us

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Durkheim actually has a much
more sophisticated and complex

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understanding of the
relationship between environment

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and society,
and the type of solidarity,

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and the division of labor in
society.

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Unfortunately,
this is sort of a neglected

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element in Durkheim.

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Too bad because,
in fact, the problem of

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environment and studying
environment should be a central

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issue in economics,
political science,

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sociology and anthropology.

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And it is not quite as central
as it should be,

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especially I think in political
science and sociology and

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anthropology.

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The study of environment is too
narrowly focused on

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environmental social movements.

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Well Durkheim has a different
interesting take,

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which I think should inspire
social researchers;

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be they economists,
political scientists,

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sociologists or
anthropologists.

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What is it?

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Durkheim, in The Division of
Labor, has a core of an idea

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what one can call the ecosystem.

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Right?

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He sees an inter-relationship
between the physical

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environment,
the size of population which

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lives in this physical
environment,

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the technology which is used in
this environment and the

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division of labor,
and the type of social

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organization what we have,
what kind of social solidarity

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you have.

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Let me just put this on the
blackboard.

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I think this is rarely noticed.

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You will rarely hear in
Durkheim's lectures,

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or rarely read about this when
you read about Durkheim.

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So the idea is that you have
the environment,

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you have the population,
you have technology,

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and you have social
organization,

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and these constitute a system,
right, which interacts with

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each other;
and what ought to be studied is

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really this whole system.

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And, of course,
technology has a lot to do with

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division of labor.

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Right?

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And that's what can be called
the ecosystem.

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He doesn't call it this way,
but environmental researchers

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would call it today as the
ecosystem.

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And I think this is an
extremely productive way for

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social scientists to think about
the problems of the environment.

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Right?

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And let me give you an example.

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Why don't you think about
Southern California?

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Right?

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Southern California,
before the Europeans appeared

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on the scene,
right, was a very dry

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climate--suffered from the lack
of water resources.

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So the Los Angeles Basin
probably could accommodate a

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livelihood for something like
20,000 people.

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Right?

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These 20,000 people,
right, lived in this very arid

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environment, used very
elementary technologies,

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and had a very limited division
of labor.

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So the population size was
greatly affected with the

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technology and the environment.

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And they had mechanical
solidarity.

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Right?

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That was the way how society
was organized.

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Now today we've figured out how
to solve the hydraulic problems

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for the Los Angeles Basin,
for the time being.

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Don't hold your breath because
in no time we may have a major

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crisis.

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So in the same basin where
20,000 people lived,

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now twenty million people live.

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But they live at a very high
level of technology,

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where we successfully pollute
the air,

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which is, right,
hard to breathe in downtown Los

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Angeles during a hot summer day.

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Right?

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And we have,
of course, organic solidarity

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operating.

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Right?

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And we managed to screw the
environment, thank you,

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quite nicely.

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And we keep doing it,
in no time the LA Basin will be

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uninhabitable.

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Right?

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That's why I think it is
interesting to think about this

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Durkheimian idea of ecosystem,
how it interacts.

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As I said, it would offer you a
very rigorous,

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right, scientific framework to
study the interaction,

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right, between social
organization,

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the demographic problem,
the technological issues,

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right, and its relationship;
how we can live,

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if we can, peacefully with the
environment.

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Anyway, just a backdrop
because, to show again the

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centrality of the division of
labor for Durkheim.

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Now today I will talk about
anomie.

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And anomie is one of the
abnormal consequences of the

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division of labor.

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And well this is one of the
troubling aspects of Durkheim's

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work--the whole idea of
abnormality or social

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pathologies.

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And he has been criticized
about this a great deal.

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How do we know what is
abnormal, and how on earth can

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we tell what is the normal state
of society?

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Pathology does assume,
right, that social researchers

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have some way how to judge what
is the healthy condition for

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society.

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And this comes from Durkheim's
early functionalism,

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as I said.

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Right?

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He was greatly influenced by
biology.

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He was not a biologist by any
means.

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But as I pointed out,
the whole metaphor of organic

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solidarity uses the human body,
right, as the example.

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Right?

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How in the human body diverse
organs depend on each other to

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reproduce each other.

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And therefore the word
pathology is also borrowed from

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medical sciences.

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Society will have pathological
features as well,

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and there are abnormalities in
society--

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and somehow believes that
social researchers will be able

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to establish what abnormality is
and what pathologies are.

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This is, I think,
troubling for most social

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scientists,
right, because we seem to have

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some commitment to at least
value neutral type of analysis,

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right, in which we do not label
necessarily phenomena out.

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Right?

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We know labeling theory;
you may have heard about it.

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You label something as criminal
or abnormal, simply because it's

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probably unusual in society.

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But what was abnormal in one
society may become absolutely

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normal in another society.

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So you have to be extremely
careful, right,

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with the notion of normal and
abnormal.

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Let's say being gay,
until fairly recently,

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was seen--I mean,
except antiquity,

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but for most human societies
and most cultures,

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being gay is seen as a kind of
abnormal behavior.

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Today very few people will
think about this,

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at least in a country like the
United States,

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that somebody gay is abnormal.

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Right?

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So what sexual behavior is
normal or abnormal depends on

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the times.

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Right?

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It's really not the job of the
social scientist to be able to

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decide what kind of sexual
behavior should be called normal

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or abnormal.

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The best we can do,
why on earth some people call

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some sexual practices abnormal
and others normal?

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Why is there differences in a
society, accepting some kind of

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sexual behaviors and not others?

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Right?

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That is a question what social
scientists could study.

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Anyway, this is I think clearly
a problem for contemporary

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social scientists with
Durkheim's work.

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But anyway he did believe that
he is capable to show that some

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abnormal developments do take
place.

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He was especially,
as I pointed already in last

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lecture out,
on the transition from

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mechanical to organic
solidarity,

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and when that happened,
then pathologies could emerge.

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And again, put it into the
social context.

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Durkheim is writing in the
1890s and early 1900s.

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He's in Bordeaux,
and then he's moving to Paris,

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the city of the sin,
right, and he sees all the

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signs of social pathologies.

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Right?

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Alcoholism and homelessness and
prostitution and theft and

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crime, which was inexistent or
much rarer in rural France,

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just a couple of decades ago.

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So he's confronted,
right, with massive phenomena,

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which is being seen as abnormal
or pathological,

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and he identifies them as the
results of the transition from

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mechanical to organic
solidarity.

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Well pathologies can have two
different roots.

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And what we normally understand
from Durkheim,

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that he identifies pathologies
from the absence of rules.

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That's what the term anomie
refers to.

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But interestingly enough--I
have the citations for you,

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and if you have read the text
carefully you found the

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citations as well--
he actually also does consider

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that pathologies can also result
from the overregulation,

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right, of too forced division
of labor.

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I think it's very intriguing to
see this.

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Because we normally counterpose
Marx's theory of alienation and

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Durkheim's theory of anomie as
Durkheim is complaining there is

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not enough regulation in
society,

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while Marx is arguing there is
too much regulation in society.

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And I will give you a number of
citations now from Durkheim

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which actually will show that
the difference between Marx and

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Weber is not such gigantic as we
initially may have thought,

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or generally would assume.

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Durkheim is quite sensitive to
some of the Marxian analysis,

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even to the Marxian notion of
alienation.

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He doesn't use the term,
but he gets very close to it.

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So let me just move on further
and talk about pathologies which

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are coming from the absence of
rules.

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Well, and I will briefly say
this interesting idea that in

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fact division of labor can be
the source of solidarity.

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As I said, this is
counterintuitive.

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We did believe that solidarity
comes from relatively

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small-sized communities where
people are relatively similar,

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share the same values and the
same system,

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same norms, and then they will
have solidaristic feelings

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towards each other.

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When people are very different,
they are competing on the

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marketplace,
they are strangers in the

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cities, they don't know each
other,

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they subscribe to different
values,

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or they even don't know what
values they should obey because

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they are confused.

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They just left the village and
ended in the big and sinful

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city, and they don't really
quite know can I do here

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anything?

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Is there any control over me,
or none?

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It's all up to me what to do?

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Even stealing is alright;
selling my body is alright.

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I see other people who do that.

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Why don't I do it?

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They are not being caught.

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I probably will not be caught
either.

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So that is a kind of,
right, under these

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circumstances,
when there are no similarities,

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why on earth-- we will be
solidaristic?

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We don't know other people.

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And we have these stereotypes
that in urban industrial society

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we are not solidaristic.

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Right?

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There are the usual stereotypes.

19:58.019 --> 20:00.989
You say you go to New York
City, right, and there is

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somebody who is dying on the
streets, and other people are

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just stepping over that person.

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Right?

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Who cares?

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You can die on the street and
there will be hundreds of

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passengers going by and let you
die.

20:12.150 --> 20:14.330
It's actually not true. Right?

20:14.328 --> 20:22.078
If you ever have seen anybody
feeling ill in Times Square,

20:22.078 --> 20:24.768
there are usually a lot of
people who rush over,

20:24.769 --> 20:26.109
that say, "Are you all
right?",

20:26.109 --> 20:27.309
or this kind of stuff.

20:27.309 --> 20:29.489
But anyway.

20:29.490 --> 20:31.430
But you know the stereotype.

20:31.432 --> 20:31.922
Right?

20:31.920 --> 20:35.490
It's a usual stereotype about
cities.

20:35.490 --> 20:39.250
Anyway, so it's puzzling why a
society which is so different,

20:39.253 --> 20:42.013
anonymous, and such a high
division of labor,

20:42.013 --> 20:43.523
can be solidaristic.

20:43.519 --> 20:46.399
Then he defines various
pathologies.

20:46.400 --> 20:50.150
And interestingly,
pathology one sounds very

20:50.152 --> 20:52.772
similar, very close to Marx.

20:52.769 --> 20:57.109
Well there is crisis in the
system, and there is increasing

20:57.108 --> 21:00.178
class conflict,
and this class conflict is

21:00.176 --> 21:01.446
pathological.

21:01.450 --> 21:06.080
And the second one,
well--and again something which

21:06.076 --> 21:10.516
is not all that different from
old Karl Marx--

21:10.519 --> 21:13.989
division of labor can be too
excessive,

21:13.990 --> 21:18.620
and too much division of labor
can lead to pathological

21:18.615 --> 21:19.895
consequences.

21:19.900 --> 21:22.910
And finally his unique
contribution,

21:22.905 --> 21:27.285
that pathology can come from
the lack of regulation,

21:27.287 --> 21:30.377
and that's what he calls
anomie.

21:30.380 --> 21:36.630
Now let me work on this,
and also the concept of anomie

21:36.627 --> 21:38.477
a little more.

21:38.480 --> 21:42.530
So here it is:
the division of labor as a

21:42.525 --> 21:44.645
source of solidarity.

21:44.648 --> 21:45.558
Right?

21:45.558 --> 21:49.868
He said, well normally the
division of labor produces

21:49.871 --> 21:51.531
social solidarity.

21:51.529 --> 21:59.949
Well but it can happen that
there are the opposite results.

21:59.948 --> 22:01.108
Right?

22:01.108 --> 22:04.168
So therefore,
he said, "When we know

22:04.165 --> 22:08.135
when division of labor creates
social solidarity,

22:08.140 --> 22:13.410
then we will be better equipped
to figure out when actually

22:13.414 --> 22:18.514
social solidarity has
pathological consequences."

22:18.509 --> 22:24.829
And as you can see from the
citation, he directly cites the

22:24.834 --> 22:26.694
medical metaphor.

22:26.688 --> 22:27.668
Right?

22:27.670 --> 22:32.090
"Here, as elsewhere,
pathology is a precious

22:32.092 --> 22:35.042
ancillary to physiology."

22:35.038 --> 22:39.738
So you start with the
physiology of society.

22:39.740 --> 22:44.490
You identify when it works
normally, and then you will be

22:44.493 --> 22:47.553
able to show when it is
pathological.

22:47.549 --> 22:48.399
Right?

22:48.400 --> 22:50.560
That's the fundamental idea.

22:50.558 --> 22:52.908
And this is,
in a way, how he tries to get

22:52.906 --> 22:56.396
off the hook of the problem that
he's actually capable to tell

22:56.397 --> 22:57.827
what is pathological.

22:57.828 --> 23:03.518
All right, now the first
pathology is actually about

23:03.521 --> 23:05.421
class conflict.

23:05.420 --> 23:11.450
He said, well--and I think Marx
would not have been particularly

23:11.445 --> 23:14.885
unhappy with this citation,
right?

23:14.890 --> 23:18.090
"As labor becomes
increasingly divided,

23:18.088 --> 23:23.588
there are commercial crises,
there are bankruptcies,

23:23.588 --> 23:27.638
there is hostility between
labor and capital,

23:27.640 --> 23:32.480
and then all these conflicts
become more frequent."

23:32.484 --> 23:33.194
Right?

23:33.190 --> 23:37.680
"Well in traditional
societies, in mechanical

23:37.676 --> 23:41.706
solidarities,
well these class conflicts were

23:41.707 --> 23:44.177
rare and unusual."

23:44.180 --> 23:49.280
Well today they are not all
that unusual.

23:49.279 --> 23:52.389
And he uses the term working
class.

23:52.387 --> 23:53.117
Right?

23:53.118 --> 23:57.258
He said, "Part of the
working class do not really

23:57.261 --> 24:01.171
desire the status assigned to
them." Right?

24:01.170 --> 24:04.530
Well not quite the theory of
exploitation,

24:04.528 --> 24:09.198
but certainly an expression
that too high level of division

24:09.202 --> 24:12.112
of labor,
in absence of other,

24:12.112 --> 24:15.612
can create intense class
conflict,

24:15.608 --> 24:19.478
which is a pathological
consequence of high division of

24:19.477 --> 24:20.047
labor.

24:20.048 --> 24:26.108
Then he goes on and he writes
about "excessive division

24:26.105 --> 24:27.845
of labor."

24:27.848 --> 24:34.288
Well he has not read the
Paris Manuscripts;

24:34.288 --> 24:39.048
which was not published,
of course, for fourteen more

24:39.054 --> 24:41.074
years after he died.

24:41.068 --> 24:44.348
But, yes, you have read the
Paris Manuscripts,

24:44.348 --> 24:47.248
and you can see these
interesting parallels.

24:47.250 --> 24:51.550
"The individual will
isolate himself in his own

24:51.551 --> 24:52.481
activity.

24:52.480 --> 24:58.770
He will no longer be aware of
the collaborator who worked at

24:58.772 --> 25:01.762
his side on the same task.

25:01.759 --> 25:08.539
He has even not longer any idea
at all what the common task

25:08.541 --> 25:10.531
consists."

25:10.529 --> 25:13.769
Well is not this miraculous?

25:13.769 --> 25:18.709
He could not have the faintest
idea that a work called the

25:18.712 --> 25:21.492
Paris Manuscripts exists.

25:21.489 --> 25:22.269
Right?

25:22.269 --> 25:25.979
And here what is being
described is getting very,

25:25.981 --> 25:29.541
very close to the idea of
alienation, right?

25:29.538 --> 25:33.298
And in fact comes very close to
the Marxian notion of

25:33.297 --> 25:37.197
alienation--not the Hegelian
one, the Marian notion.

25:37.200 --> 25:41.230
Because he roots it into
excessive division of labor.

25:41.230 --> 25:45.160
Too much market,
right, too much competition,

25:45.163 --> 25:47.403
creates this situation.

25:47.400 --> 25:49.430
So I think this is miraculous.

25:49.430 --> 25:55.340
And very often these sentences
are kind of skipped over as a

25:55.336 --> 25:59.136
kind of throwaway line,
by Durkheim.

25:59.140 --> 26:00.150
It isn't.

26:00.150 --> 26:03.060
It is very important to
identify what his unique

26:03.064 --> 26:04.184
contribution is.

26:04.180 --> 26:09.770
And this is indeed the emphasis
that a pathology can occur out

26:09.770 --> 26:14.720
of the lack of regulation,
and lack of regulation means

26:14.721 --> 26:15.731
anomie.

26:15.730 --> 26:20.780
Well he said,
"Well it is not necessary

26:20.779 --> 26:26.299
for social life to be without
struggle."

26:26.298 --> 26:30.268
Struggle in itself is not that
bad at all.

26:30.269 --> 26:35.509
"The role of organic
solidarity is not to abolish

26:35.506 --> 26:40.146
competition, but to moderate
it." Right?

26:40.150 --> 26:48.370
Well I just want to remind you,
this in a way reminds us to

26:48.365 --> 26:51.195
Adam Smith, right?

26:51.200 --> 26:53.930
His sympathetic theory of human
nature.

26:53.933 --> 26:54.513
Right?

26:54.509 --> 27:00.699
Well, unlimited competition is
not right.

27:00.701 --> 27:01.941
Right?

27:01.940 --> 27:05.820
Unlimited egoistic behavior is
not right.

27:05.818 --> 27:09.698
We have to be sympathetic to
the other person.

27:09.700 --> 27:10.390
Right?

27:10.390 --> 27:13.360
We are struggling for
recognition by others.

27:13.356 --> 27:13.906
Right?

27:13.910 --> 27:19.340
That is the idea where there is
a similarity in Durkheim's and

27:19.335 --> 27:21.465
Adam Smith's analysis.

27:21.470 --> 27:24.040
But then he continues.

27:24.039 --> 27:28.699
"But in some cases",
and this is crucial,

27:28.696 --> 27:32.836
"the regulatory process
which moderates competition

27:32.842 --> 27:37.682
either does not exist at all,
or not related to the degree of

27:37.681 --> 27:41.021
development of the division of
labor."

27:41.019 --> 27:42.449
It is insufficient.

27:42.450 --> 27:46.290
There are either no
regulations, or not enough

27:46.286 --> 27:47.476
regulations.

27:47.480 --> 27:52.570
"If then division of labor
does not produce solidarity,

27:52.571 --> 27:57.061
it is because the relationship
between organs are not

27:57.060 --> 27:58.270
regulated.

27:58.269 --> 28:01.449
And this is what I call
anomie."

28:01.451 --> 28:02.161
Right?

28:02.160 --> 28:06.380
And again you see the social
context?

28:06.380 --> 28:12.110
This is exactly coming from the
empirical reference point:

28:12.106 --> 28:18.236
Rural young people get on the
train and then get off the train

28:18.236 --> 28:22.706
in Gare Lazare,
Saint Lazare,

28:22.707 --> 28:27.187
and then they walk into the
street in wild Paris,

28:27.190 --> 28:30.830
the sinful city of Paris,
and they are lost.

28:30.828 --> 28:35.538
Suddenly their value system,
what they were told back home

28:35.538 --> 28:37.598
in the village,
collapses.

28:37.603 --> 28:38.433
Right?

28:38.430 --> 28:43.110
Back in the village they knew
exactly what they are supposed

28:43.105 --> 28:43.735
to do.

28:43.740 --> 28:48.260
Everybody knew them,
and they also knew if they are

28:48.262 --> 28:52.062
breaking the laws,
right, of the community,

28:52.061 --> 28:55.501
they will be immediately
punished.

28:55.500 --> 28:57.260
Because there will be gossip
spreading around,

28:57.259 --> 29:00.779
and get back to home,
and mom and dad will exactly

29:00.781 --> 29:03.731
hear what you have done on the
street,

29:03.730 --> 29:05.530
what you were not supposed to
do.

29:05.529 --> 29:07.109
Now you are in Paris.

29:07.108 --> 29:10.968
Nobody has the faintest idea
who you are.

29:10.970 --> 29:14.640
And even you don't know what
other people expect from you.

29:14.644 --> 29:15.164
Right?

29:15.160 --> 29:17.610
It looks like this is the realm
of freedom;

29:17.609 --> 29:20.059
you can do anything. Right?

29:20.058 --> 29:25.678
Well back home in the village,
if you were engaged you better

29:25.681 --> 29:30.551
do not hold hands with another
partner on the street.

29:30.553 --> 29:31.493
Right?

29:34.160 --> 29:37.150
and to her parents or his
parents, and your parents

29:37.152 --> 29:40.122
immediately,
and there will be a scandal.

29:40.118 --> 29:46.238
Well if you are walking on
Boul'Mich,

29:46.239 --> 29:49.369
you can do anything.

29:49.368 --> 29:51.108
You can hold the hand of
anybody.

29:51.109 --> 29:53.139
You can kiss anybody. Right?

29:53.140 --> 29:55.580
Nobody knows who you are. Right?

29:55.579 --> 29:57.249
So that's it.

29:57.250 --> 29:59.400
That is the problem, right?

29:59.400 --> 30:03.910
Of anomie, that people enter in
a society in which they are

30:03.914 --> 30:04.464
lost.

30:04.460 --> 30:11.570
Well let me just labor a little
longer on the idea.

30:11.568 --> 30:16.198
And here again see that even
the notion of anomie,

30:16.200 --> 30:19.870
it's probably--I don't know
whether,

30:19.868 --> 30:24.518
how much he's making his
argument too complex,

30:24.519 --> 30:32.439
or Marx's idea of alienation
was too complex.

30:32.440 --> 30:35.880
But you can see here again some
similarities,

30:35.877 --> 30:40.487
even between anomie and the
Marxian notion of alienation.

30:40.490 --> 30:44.740
He said, "The division of
labor may reduce the worker to

30:44.740 --> 30:46.440
the role of a machine.

30:46.440 --> 30:52.020
He's not aware of where the
operations required of him are

30:52.020 --> 30:57.310
leading, and he does not link
them to any aim."

30:57.309 --> 30:59.809
Whoa.

30:59.808 --> 31:02.688
"Every day he repeats the
same movements,

31:02.690 --> 31:08.330
with monotonous regularity,
but without having any

31:08.332 --> 31:11.392
understanding--
interest in understanding of

31:11.387 --> 31:11.857
them."

31:11.859 --> 31:16.429
Well, how interesting. Right?

31:16.430 --> 31:20.200
That's where,
in Durkheim's thinking,

31:20.196 --> 31:25.736
the lack of norms or values,
the collapse of the value

31:25.742 --> 31:28.152
system, leading to.

31:28.150 --> 31:31.620
And for him--of course,
that's a big difference--

31:31.618 --> 31:35.318
the solution is to fix the
system of values,

31:35.318 --> 31:39.418
right, to fix the system of
norms, and then you solve the

31:39.415 --> 31:40.875
problem of anomie.

31:40.880 --> 31:45.210
But he also said that,
"Look, anomie is not an

31:45.207 --> 31:49.787
inevitable consequence of the
division of labor."

31:49.794 --> 31:50.664
Right?

31:50.660 --> 31:56.430
Well he has a conception that
division of labor can be forced,

31:56.431 --> 31:58.421
and can be excessive.

31:58.417 --> 31:59.267
Right?

31:59.269 --> 32:05.679
There must be elements in the
collective conscience which

32:05.679 --> 32:07.739
moderate, right?

32:07.740 --> 32:12.250
The competitive elements of the
division of labor.

32:12.250 --> 32:15.800
But if those
institutions--cultural,

32:15.799 --> 32:19.959
legal, moral,
ethical institutions--are in

32:19.959 --> 32:25.739
place, then in fact the division
of labor will not produce

32:25.740 --> 32:30.360
anomie;
it only will produce such if

32:30.356 --> 32:33.416
there is no such systems.

32:33.420 --> 32:38.490
But then he said,
"Do not read me as a

32:38.490 --> 32:39.820
romantic.

32:39.818 --> 32:43.488
I don't want to idealize the
village community,

32:43.486 --> 32:47.386
where these boys and girls,
in Gare Lazare,

32:47.392 --> 32:50.982
are coming out of the
train." Right?

32:50.980 --> 32:54.850
"I don't want to send them
back to the rural village.

32:54.848 --> 32:58.588
I'm not advocating a return
from organic solidarity to

32:58.594 --> 33:00.294
mechanical solidarity.

33:00.288 --> 33:04.008
All what I am showing,
under what circumstances there

33:04.011 --> 33:08.451
are pathological consequences,
right, in organic solidarity.

33:08.450 --> 33:13.340
And therefore we have to find
the proper medication,

33:13.342 --> 33:18.522
the proper cocktail of drugs,
by which we can cure this

33:18.520 --> 33:19.860
disease."

33:19.864 --> 33:20.924
Right?

33:20.920 --> 33:22.860
That is the key idea.

33:22.858 --> 33:30.088
Well now another very
interesting argument;

33:30.088 --> 33:36.038
which is usually neglected in
reading Durkheim.

33:36.038 --> 33:39.758
He said, "Look,
there are pathologies in

33:39.759 --> 33:44.319
society which are coming from
overregulation and forced

33:44.323 --> 33:46.693
division of labor."

33:46.690 --> 33:58.080
Well this is already in The
Division of Labor.

33:58.078 --> 34:01.568
But a crucial text is in fact
the so-called "Second

34:01.568 --> 34:05.058
Introduction into The
Division of Labor."

34:05.058 --> 34:10.448
Durkheim received a lot of
criticism of the First Edition

34:10.445 --> 34:15.155
of The Division of
Labor--was criticized of

34:15.157 --> 34:18.907
being too conservative
politically.

34:18.909 --> 34:23.779
And that's when he wrote the
"Second Introduction to

34:23.775 --> 34:26.985
The Division of
Labor."

34:26.989 --> 34:32.489
And if you are interested at
all in Durkheim,

34:32.489 --> 34:35.909
you have to read the
"Second Introduction"-

34:35.905 --> 34:39.775
the introduction to the Second
Edition of The Division of

34:39.780 --> 34:40.700
Labor.

34:40.699 --> 34:44.629
Because here he tries to offer
some,

34:44.630 --> 34:50.830
quote/unquote,
progressive solution to the

34:50.831 --> 34:57.541
problems of anomie,
and the nature of solidarity in

34:57.539 --> 35:04.739
organic societies--
how to overcome the problem of

35:04.735 --> 35:10.585
class conflicts in modern
society.

35:10.590 --> 35:14.860
And there his idea is that
really these solidarities--

35:14.860 --> 35:19.870
this is the idea he develops in
the introduction to the Second

35:19.867 --> 35:23.437
Edition--
that we are becoming

35:23.443 --> 35:28.393
solidaristic within our
professions.

35:28.389 --> 35:32.659
These are the professional
organizations in which we will

35:32.657 --> 35:35.627
find our identities and
solidarities.

35:35.630 --> 35:40.110
So he actually sees the good
society as evolving into a

35:40.112 --> 35:43.932
multiplicity of professional
organizations,

35:43.929 --> 35:47.799
in which people fit into these
professional environments,

35:47.800 --> 35:51.340
and do have a strong
professional identity and

35:51.336 --> 35:55.106
solidaristic attitudes towards
the profession.

35:55.110 --> 35:59.610
This is, right,
a radically different idea,

35:59.610 --> 36:03.220
right, from the--it's not
dealing with markets,

36:03.219 --> 36:07.569
not messing up with the
markets, or not messing up too

36:07.574 --> 36:11.354
much with the markets,
to put it this way. Right?

36:11.349 --> 36:14.669
Professional organizations,
if they are effective,

36:14.666 --> 36:16.826
they do mess up with the
markets.

36:16.833 --> 36:17.513
Right?

36:17.510 --> 36:21.120
American Medical Association
does mess up,

36:21.119 --> 36:23.099
because it's a kind of trade
union,

36:23.099 --> 36:30.199
right, which makes sure that
the doctors' interests are being

36:30.195 --> 36:33.385
particularly represented.

36:33.389 --> 36:38.029
Anyway, this is the
"Second Introduction."

36:38.030 --> 36:42.190
But what is interesting in this
citation is that he said,

36:42.190 --> 36:48.360
"Well, pathology can
emerge actually from an

36:48.358 --> 36:54.738
excessive level of regulation,
or forced division of

36:54.737 --> 36:56.057
labor."

36:56.059 --> 37:01.079
And he introduces another
notion here, and this is

37:01.081 --> 37:02.211
fatalism.

37:02.210 --> 37:09.060
So there are these two
different pathologies of modern

37:09.059 --> 37:10.609
societies.

37:10.610 --> 37:16.110
One is emerging in the
transition from mechanical to

37:16.106 --> 37:21.276
organic solidarity,
given the absence of commonly

37:21.280 --> 37:25.270
shared values,
and that's anomie.

37:25.268 --> 37:29.328
And there is another
possible--on the other end of

37:29.327 --> 37:33.217
the scale you have too excessive
regulation,

37:33.219 --> 37:36.279
and then people become
fatalistic because then they

37:36.280 --> 37:38.670
think there is nothing what they
can do.

37:38.666 --> 37:39.276
Right?

37:39.280 --> 37:43.620
Anomie is when you can say,
"Anything goes;

37:43.619 --> 37:45.959
I can get away with anything.

37:45.956 --> 37:46.516
Right?

37:46.518 --> 37:52.418
Or you are desperate,
because you don't know what on

37:52.418 --> 37:56.698
earth you want to do with
yourself.

37:56.699 --> 38:03.809
Fatalism is when you think well
I have no control over my life.

38:03.809 --> 38:05.999
I am over-regulated. Right?

38:06.000 --> 38:08.030
And then you become fatalistic.

38:08.030 --> 38:09.510
It doesn't matter.

38:09.510 --> 38:14.440
Nothing matters because it's
overregulated.

38:14.440 --> 38:16.150
Okay.

38:16.150 --> 38:28.560
Now let me just very briefly
compare these three ideas of

38:28.556 --> 38:34.756
Marx, Weber, and Durkheim.

38:34.760 --> 38:40.440
Well I hope I did not confuse
you too much with some of the

38:40.436 --> 38:44.936
citations, which are quite
counterintuitive.

38:44.940 --> 38:49.620
But it's important to see the
sophistication of the analysis.

38:49.619 --> 38:53.549
The bottom line,
after all, is he said,

38:53.550 --> 38:56.860
"Look, my unique
contribution to the study of

38:56.864 --> 39:00.724
pathologies of modern society is
the theory of anomie,

39:00.719 --> 39:05.059
which says that temporarily,
in this transition,

39:05.059 --> 39:10.009
we have a problem of absence of
rules.

39:10.010 --> 39:14.160
This will be overcome,
because there is no reason why

39:14.163 --> 39:19.203
a properly moderated competition
and division of labor could not

39:19.195 --> 39:23.745
create actually very high levels
of solidarity."

39:23.750 --> 39:27.790
And the mechanism,
he suggests in the "Second

39:27.789 --> 39:31.579
Introduction,"
is creation of professional

39:31.581 --> 39:35.701
organizations and slotting
people into professional

39:35.704 --> 39:37.934
communities, as such.

39:37.929 --> 39:40.059
They are not going back to the
villages,

39:40.059 --> 39:44.279
but they will be sort of
belonging to professional

39:44.275 --> 39:48.055
communities and having
solidaristic ideas and

39:48.061 --> 39:49.871
identities there.

39:49.869 --> 39:52.669
So this is kind of the bottom
line.

39:52.670 --> 39:57.650
He is sensitive to the problems
what Marx is talking about.

39:57.650 --> 40:01.350
He understands that yes,
modern society does create

40:01.351 --> 40:04.801
class conflicts,
and this is a problem because

40:04.804 --> 40:08.264
the working class very often
feels ill-treated--

40:08.260 --> 40:13.880
doesn't use the term exploited,
but is unhappy with the

40:13.876 --> 40:16.576
position assigned to it.

40:16.579 --> 40:19.129
So he sees this is a problem.

40:19.130 --> 40:24.270
He also sees the problem that
excessive division of labor may

40:24.268 --> 40:27.868
create a sense of--he doesn't
use the term,

40:27.867 --> 40:30.947
but really what he
means--alienation.

40:30.952 --> 40:31.982
Right?

40:31.980 --> 40:36.890
And he also is quite aware that
too much regulation also can

40:36.887 --> 40:40.877
create a pathological state of
mind: fatalism.

40:40.880 --> 40:45.520
So but the major contribution
is, as I've said,

40:45.518 --> 40:50.258
anomie is insufficient
regulation in society.

40:50.260 --> 40:52.340
This is his unique contribution.

40:52.340 --> 40:55.140
Well alienation,
as we have seen,

40:55.143 --> 40:59.003
is more like fatalism,
right, in Durkheim.

40:59.000 --> 41:02.760
It comes from too much
regulation.

41:02.760 --> 41:07.130
And then we have Weber's notion
of disenchantment,

41:07.126 --> 41:10.866
right, the loss of the
enchanted garden.

41:10.869 --> 41:15.939
This is all coming--the kind of
mood or feel,

41:15.936 --> 41:19.966
the human condition under
modernity.

41:19.967 --> 41:21.117
Right?

41:21.119 --> 41:22.839
These are three different takes.

41:22.840 --> 41:27.240
For Weber, it is the loss of
magic, right,

41:27.242 --> 41:33.582
and in a way the conversion of
the dance and all-sided human

41:33.579 --> 41:38.949
relationships into instrumental
relationships.

41:38.949 --> 41:47.889
I think I briefly mentioned in
the lecture on alienation,

41:47.889 --> 41:57.229
and probably also lecture on
Weber,

41:57.230 --> 42:01.520
that this is actually very
similar to the ideas of Georg

42:05.409 --> 42:09.379
and who developed the theory of
reification.

42:09.380 --> 42:13.780
Weber is developing the theory
of disenchantment,

42:13.780 --> 42:16.990
what is the problem of
modernity.

42:16.989 --> 42:20.099
That we lost the enchanted
garden--

42:20.099 --> 42:22.829
that we are too rationalistic,
too cold,

42:28.536 --> 42:33.806
from Hegel to Marx,
and invents the idea of

42:33.806 --> 42:35.536
reification.

42:35.539 --> 42:39.849
And they happen to both live at
that time in Heidelberg,

42:43.489 --> 42:45.569
time,
in his twenties,

42:45.574 --> 42:49.554
was a frequent guest in the
Weber house,

42:49.550 --> 42:52.530
in the salon run by Marianne
Weber.

42:57.186 --> 43:01.926
unique interpretation of Marx's
theory of alienation--

43:01.929 --> 43:05.539
that human relationships are
becoming reified--

43:05.539 --> 43:14.949
and Weber's notion of
instrumentalization of life,

43:14.949 --> 43:20.459
which is I think distinctly
different both from the theory

43:20.460 --> 43:23.070
of anomie and alienation.

43:23.070 --> 43:31.520
Okay, a final note on
Durkheim's theory of human

43:31.521 --> 43:36.221
nature;
what was his theory of human

43:36.219 --> 43:37.099
nature?

43:37.099 --> 43:50.799
And here we can see a sharp
distinction between Marx and

43:50.797 --> 43:52.787
Weber.

43:52.789 --> 43:56.789
Marx, mainly following
Rousseau's line,

43:56.791 --> 44:03.321
basically believed that--he did
not have the notion of state of

44:03.322 --> 44:07.932
nature any longer;
by the mid-nineteenth century

44:07.927 --> 44:10.767
people got tired and got rid of
it.

44:10.768 --> 44:16.508
But he used the term species
being--what is the essence,

44:16.510 --> 44:18.180
human essence?

44:18.179 --> 44:25.419
Well he said essentially humans
are fine.

44:25.420 --> 44:33.430
It is the society which is the
problem, not the individual.

44:33.429 --> 44:40.509
So this is exactly the
Rousseauian inspiration in Marx.

44:40.510 --> 44:42.810
Society corrupts.

44:42.809 --> 44:45.939
In the state of nature we were
good--and Marx even adds--I

44:45.938 --> 44:49.288
think I already made this point,
but let me underline one more

44:49.286 --> 44:49.776
time.

44:49.780 --> 44:53.010
He goes beyond Rousseau.

44:53.010 --> 44:58.200
Because Rousseau saw the noble
savage as a savage,

44:58.204 --> 45:03.934
as an individual who has to be
brought into society.

45:03.929 --> 45:07.299
At that point Marx disagrees
with Rousseau.

45:07.300 --> 45:12.960
He sees we were born in society;
we are social by nature. Right?

45:12.960 --> 45:16.700
So we are not only good,
but we are also social.

45:16.699 --> 45:20.609
And it is society which
corrupts us, which creates us

45:20.606 --> 45:25.186
egoistic individuals who will
compete with each other and will

45:25.190 --> 45:26.390
kill each other.

45:26.393 --> 45:27.223
Right?

45:27.219 --> 45:31.379
This is exactly the opposite,
right, of Hobbes,

45:31.382 --> 45:35.632
and a big step beyond
Rousseau's theory of human

45:35.634 --> 45:36.634
nature.

45:36.630 --> 45:43.290
Now Durkheim is actually much
closer to Hobbes in his notion

45:43.286 --> 45:47.536
of human nature,
because he believes,

45:47.538 --> 45:54.068
right, that social pathologies
emerge when there is a vacuum of

45:54.074 --> 45:56.504
control over people.

45:56.500 --> 46:01.700
That's when you have crime and
suicide and prostitution and

46:01.702 --> 46:02.692
whatever.

46:02.690 --> 46:09.680
And therefore he had a
skeptical view of human nature.

46:09.679 --> 46:14.359
Unless we are controlled,
then we can be evil.

46:14.358 --> 46:15.188
Right?

46:15.190 --> 46:18.250
That is the fundamental issue.

46:18.246 --> 46:18.956
Right?

46:18.960 --> 46:26.840
What you have to fix is making
sure that individuals develop

46:26.838 --> 46:30.308
the proper value system.

46:30.309 --> 46:34.319
Thank you very much,
and have a wonderful

46:34.322 --> 46:36.632
Thanksgiving's break.

46:36.630 --> 46:41.120
Yes, see you the last week of
the semester.

46:41.119 --> 46:45.999